GOP’s judicial hypocrisy
Plus: Democrats rally on Medicaid, mourn a progressive icon, and ride a fresh wave of grassroots energy.
👋🏾 Hi, hey, hello! Congress is back from recess tomorrow.
The House is expected to take up legislation increasing transparency and oversight of foreign contributions to U.S. higher education institutions. Members will also move to reverse two Biden-era energy regulations.
Also on the docket: a vote to restore $1 billion in funding for the District of Columbia that House Republicans cut in this month’s funding bill. The Senate reversed the provision unanimously before the recess.
The week kicks off in the Senate with a series of Trump administration nominees, including the president’s picks for Secretary of the Navy and Deputy Secretary of State.
Keep reading for what else is worth knowing from the Hill tonight—straight from my notebook to your inbox.
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GOP’s judicial hypocrisy
Last week’s MAGA outcry over U.S. District Judge James Boasberg’s injunction on El Salvador deportations hit a fever pitch, with calls for impeachment echoing across the right.
But as the volume lowers this week, Hill Democrats and some Republicans are watching to see if this was a one-off or the start of a new phase in the GOP’s strategy: turning immigration rulings into impeachment fodder.
Allow me to explain: The outrage also highlights GOP hypocrisy over nationwide injunctions, which block or mandate government actions on a national scale.
Conservatives cheered when Texas District Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk ruled against the FDA’s approval of medication abortion during the Biden years.
Stephen Miller—now a White House deputy chief of staff and vocal Boasberg critic—frequently sought nationwide injunctions when challenging Biden-era policies in court. Now, he calls temporary court orders “tyrannical.”
What they’re saying: Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.), ranking member on the House Judiciary Committee, called Trump’s impeachment push an attempt to punish judges who check executive overreach.
“We have never impeached a judge for the substance of his ruling in a case, much less for the substance of a correct ruling in a case,” he said. “Erroneous decisions should be appealed and reversed.”
Chief Justice John Roberts issued a rare statement underscoring that impeachment is not a response to judicial disagreements—and that such disputes belong in the appellate process.
Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) joined fellow Senate Judiciary Committee Democrats in condemning the administration’s use of wartime power to deport noncitizens without due process.
“All of us, including the courts, must continue to hold this Administration accountable,” Durbin, Sens. Cory Booker (D-N.J.), Alex Padilla (D-Calif.), and Peter Welch (D-Vt.) wrote.
Spokespeople for Raskin, Durbin, and the White House did not respond to requests for additional comment.
In the know: The Constitution sets the same impeachment threshold for judges as for any federal official:
A simple majority in the House is needed to impeach; two-thirds of the Senate is required to convict and remove.
Looking ahead: While impeachment is unlikely, Republicans could try to satisfy the base with legislation.
Rep. Darrell Issa (R-Calif.) has introduced a bill to restrict nationwide injunctions by federal district courts.
Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) has announced plans to introduce similar legislation and wants to eliminate the practice altogether.
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Dems go local to save Medicaid
Hill Democrats launched a coordinated Medicaid Day of Action last Tuesday, and members insisted it was anything but symbolic.
Allow me to explain: The campaign marked the latest salvo in what party leaders see as a defining fight over health care access and wealth distribution.
At issue: House Republicans have proposed steep Medicaid cuts to help offset the cost of extending Trump’s 2017 tax law.
By the numbers: I’m told more than 100 House Democrats participated in Tuesday’s events.
Lawmakers held roundtables, press conferences, site visits, and even town halls focused entirely on Medicaid in their districts.
What they’re saying: “The Medicaid Day of Action is part of our ongoing efforts to ensure the American people understand exactly what Republicans are pushing with their dangerous budget,” a House Democratic aide said. “In the weeks ahead, you will see sustained engagement in Washington and around the country to expose the full range of hurt that will be caused if Republicans get their way.”
In the know: The action comes at a tricky time for the party. Recent CNN and NBC News polls show Democratic favorability at a record low, with voters citing leadership concerns and intraparty divisions.
I asked House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) whether localized events like this were essential to rebuilding the national party.
“The politics will take care of itself,” he said. “But I’m very confident that next November, we’re taking back control of the United States House of Representatives.”
How we got here: House Republicans passed a budget blueprint in February directing committees to identify at least $2 trillion in cuts.
That includes $880 billion from the House Energy and Commerce Committee, which oversees Medicaid.
But according to the Congressional Budget Office—Congress’s nonpartisan budget scorekeeper—Medicaid makes up 93% of all mandatory spending in that panel’s jurisdiction.
In other words: It’s almost impossible to meet those cuts without going after Medicaid, despite Republican claims to the contrary.
House Democrats unanimously opposed the GOP blueprint.
Looking ahead: Democrats will shift their focus to SNAP this Tuesday, when the Energy and Commerce Committee holds a hearing to push back against $230 billion in proposed food assistance cuts.
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Votes paused, memories shared
The House will skip votes Wednesday to allow members to attend the funeral of the late Rep. Raúl Grijalva (D-Ariz.), who served in the chamber from 2003 until his death earlier this month.
Allow me to explain: Grijalva announced in April 2023 that he had been diagnosed with cancer, though he did not disclose the type. He continued working while undergoing treatment, representing Arizona’s 7th Congressional District until his death on March 13.
He leaves behind a legacy as a founding member of the Congressional Progressive Caucus and a fierce advocate for environmental justice and Indigenous rights.
In his own words: Rep. Greg Casar (D-Texas), current CPC chair, called Grijalva a mentor and friend who helped shape his own political path.
“Just the chance to talk to him about music and dominoes and about when we were going to get real Mexican food in D.C.,” Casar told reporters at the House Democratic retreat the day Grijalva died. “We are going to miss him deeply.”
Grijalva’s passing prompted an outpouring of tributes from across the Democratic caucus and the progressive movement. Many remembered him as a principled fighter for marginalized communities and the environment, with deep roots in southern Arizona and the party’s left flank.
Colleagues also praised his resilience—continuing to serve even as his public appearances became more limited in his final months.
In the know: Grijalva was the longest-serving chair of the Progressive Caucus and helped steer it toward a more organized and influential force on Capitol Hill.
As chair of the House Natural Resources Committee during the 116th and 117th Congresses, he led efforts to rein in fossil fuel development on public lands and amplify Indigenous voices in federal policymaking.
By the numbers: Grijalva is the fifth House Democrat to die in office in the past year.
The others: Reps. Donald Payne, Jr. (N.J.), Sheila Jackson Lee (Texas), Bill Pascrell (N.J.), and Sylvester Turner (Texas).
Looking ahead: The House will resume votes Thursday morning before members return home for the weekend.
A special election to fill Grijalva’s seat is set for July 15 (primary) and September 23 (general). The southern Arizona district is rated D+15, per the Cook Partisan Voter Index.
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Déjà blue: Grassroots Dems rally again in Trump’s second first month
February marked the first full month of the Trump administration—and just as his arrival at the White House eight years ago sparked massive fundraising hauls for the House and Senate Democrats’ campaign arms, last month showed grassroots supporters once again protesting with their wallets.
Allow me to explain: Democrats outraised Republicans in early 2017, fueled by backlash to Trump-era policy proposals—and they’re seeing the same pattern repeat, according to new campaign finance filings released last Thursday.
This time, the early surge gives party leaders a head start: recruiting candidates, investing in field operations, and shaping the narrative ahead of the 2026 midterms.
By the numbers: The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee raised $11.1 million last month, surpassing its Republican counterpart and both Senate committees—and building on its $9.2 million haul in January, the DCCC’s best-ever off-year January fundraising total.
In February 2017, the DCCC raised $9.8 million, nearly doubling its previous February record of $5.1 million set in 2015.
The National Republican Congressional Committee, the GOP’s chief fundraising arm for House races, brought in $9.2 million in February.
The NRCC raised $10.5 million during the same period eight years ago.
The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee took in $6.8 million last month, compared to $3.8 million in February 2017.
The National Republican Senatorial Committee outraised its Democratic counterpart with $7.8 million, up from $5.1 million eight years ago.
In her own words: The American people are angry and fed up with House Republicans’ crusade to enact the largest cut to Medicaid in history and pledging fealty to Elon Musk’s ongoing effort to dismantle Social Security and gut the VA,” DCCC Chair Suzan DelBene (D-Wash.) said. “No wonder they are hiding from their constituents.”
Not so fast: Fundraising dollars alone don’t win elections. Democrats still must anoint a new party leader, articulate an attractive policy agenda, and beat back Republican efforts to slash social safety programs to fund tax cuts for the wealthy if they want to fully regain voters’ trust.
The final word: But if history is rhyming, grassroots Democrats may be preparing for another midterm wave—or at least another avalanche of ActBlue receipts.
Thanks for reading! I’ll see you Thursday evening unless you have something I should know sooner. You can email, DM, or Signal anytime. And please invite your friends to sign up for Congress Nerd.